I am Palestine
I am Palestine. I never miss a chance to miss a chance.
In 1947, the United Nations offered me a state—more than 50% of the land, international recognition, and a future. I said no. I chose war instead. Five Arab armies invaded the newborn state of Israel, aiming to strangle it in its cradle. I lost. Hundreds of thousands of my people became refugees—not because Israel expelled all of them, but because Arab leaders told them to flee, promising victory within days.
I am Palestine. I have never chosen coexistence. Only resistance.
In 1967, I joined forces with Egypt, Jordan, and Syria again. Another war. Another loss. East Jerusalem, the West Bank, Gaza—all fell under Israeli control not because they were taken from me, but because they were taken from Jordan and Egypt, who occupied them for 19 years—and never gave me a state.
I am Palestine. I could have had peace. Many times. But I always said no.
In 2000, at Camp David, Israel offered me nearly all of the West Bank and Gaza, with East Jerusalem as my capital. I walked away. I chose the Second Intifada instead. My people strapped explosives to their bodies and boarded buses, walked into cafes, malls, Passover seders. I called them martyrs. The world called them terrorists.
I am Palestine. I glorify death. I raise children to hate.
My textbooks teach that Israel doesn’t exist. My media tells stories of heroes who stab Jews in the street. I name schools and parks after suicide bombers. I pay salaries to murderers in prison. The more Jews they kill, the more I pay.
I am Palestine. I elected Hamas.
Not once, by mistake. But knowingly. In 2006, I voted in a terror group whose charter calls for the extermination of Jews and the destruction of Israel. Since then, rockets have flown from Gaza, thousands of them, aimed at kindergartens and homes. Every ceasefire is just a pause to rearm.
I am Palestine. I speak of occupation, but never of responsibility.
I blame Israel for everything—yet I never build anything of my own. Billions in aid from the world, yet no hospitals, no infrastructure, no future. Just tunnels for terror, textbooks for hate, and leaders who grow rich while my people suffer.
I am Palestine. I demand rights I never gave to others.
Between 1948 and 1967, not once did I call for a Palestinian state in the “West Bank” of the Jordan River or Gaza. Jordan ruled one, Egypt the other. I said nothing. I only wanted the whole thing – from the river to the sea. Still do.
I am Palestine. I hold the keys to homes I fled, but never to peace.
I reject compromise. I reject Israel’s right to exist. And yet, I demand return – of land, of homes, of everything. Not to live beside the Jews, but to replace them.
I am Palestine. And I cry for justice – but worship those who murder.
I build monuments to “resistance.” I dance in the streets when Jews are killed. I film my children with toy guns, teaching them that martyrdom is glory. Then I weep before cameras, asking the world why there is no peace.
I am Palestine. And until I choose life over death, truth over lies, and peace over hate – I will never be free.
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I am Palestine. I have never been an independent country, and noone called themselves Palestinian until the 1960s when terrorist Arafat revived the term. My ancestors invaded a Jewish majority land in the 7th century and began converting everyone to Islam and Arab culture.
The land was practically empty during the Muslim Mamluk times because of how poorly it was maintained and regarded, Jerusalem was an ignored backwater not a spiritual center.
Arabs have land from Iraq to Morrocco spanning 13.3 million sq km, we did not care about little 22,000 sq km “Palestine” until the Jews wanted to return.
In 1948 we declared war on Jews, trying to ethnic cleanse them from the land, now we complain about our losses from that war and use it as propaganda to create hatred for Israel.
Our leader before the war was Grand Mufti Hajj Amin El Husseini, he met with Hitler and Nazi leaders to discuss Final Solution arrangements if the Nazis won, he even recruited Bosnian Muslims in Nazi Waffen SS units.
I am Palestinian, we exacted massacres against Jews in 1920, at the 1929 Hebron Massacre and during the 1936-1939 Arab revolt whereby we also stopped the controlling British letting in Jewish refugees from fleeing the Nazis.
Yet you will only ever hear us tell to you about Deir Yassin, which was a massacre committed by extremist Irgun who were later disbanded.
You will also hear us spreading propaganda about Sabra and Shatila, blaming Israel for it and not the actual perpetrators who were Lebanese Christians. We will also never tell you about the scores of attacks leading up to that event by Palestinian terrorists including the Avivim bus massacre of school children, Pan Am air hijackings, and other massacres and targeting of civilians. We are not honest or moral people and can kill whomever we see fit in the name of Allah and Arab glory.
We are Palestinians, we have rejected 7 major peace proposals presented to us to peacefully end the conflict, today’s Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas even said that Arabs (there were no Palestinians at that time) made a mistake for not accepting the 1947 UN Partition plan. Other major peace plans we rejected included the 1968 Alon Plan, 2000/2001 Camp David Summitt rejected by Arafat, and the 2008 Abbas-Olmert peace plan.
We are Palestinians in 2006, we voted Hamas into power by a landslide 74-45 seats. We pride our religious extremist organisation that has vowed to never recognize the state of Israel, and retake every “inch of land”
Our Hamas has proudly murdered 805 Israeli civilians by suicide bombings from 1993-2007 and we cheered after every death !
Since the separation barrier stopped those attacks in 2007, our glorious martyrs have fired over 20,000 rockets and mortars at Israeli civilian, often bringing population centers scattering for bomb shelters.
We are Palestinian, we will use propaganda buzzwords like occupation, apartheid, and ethnic cleansing. When the actual truth is that since the 1995 Oslo Accords Palestinians have had full civil, judicial and police control over 97% of their populace. There was meant to be a Palestinian state as a final settlement however it was rejected by Arafat in 2000/2001 , after which we started the violent second intifada which murdered 1000 Israelis. We won’t mention that though, arent we amazing people?
I am Palestinian, I am the root of the conflict because I uncompromisingly refuse to share this land, it is all ours, no Jew can ever control it, and one day Hamas and Allah will show us the Jews to slaughter, even the trees and rocks will tell us where the Jews are, the Hamas covenant tells us that.
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1. Claim: “In 1947, the UN handed me more than half of someone else’s land.
”The 1947 UN Partition Plan (UNGA Resolution 181) was not a “gift” from colonial powers. It was a compromise recommended by the international community to solve the conflict between Jews and Arabs in Mandatory Palestine after Britain decided to withdraw. The land was not “Palestinian” in the modern national sense—it was a disputed territory between Jews and Arabs, both with historical claims. The Jewish side accepted partition; the Arab states rejected it and launched a genocidal war against Jews in the lamd.
The conflict was not initiated by Israel, but by 6 neighboring Arab countries who aimed to destroy the nascent Jewish state.
2. Claim: “Over 700,000 Palestinians were driven from their homes… I began my cleansing.”
The Palestinian refugee crisis is a tragic outcome of the 1948 war started by Arabs, it was not a one-sided ethnic cleansing.
Many Palestinians fled voluntarily, due to fear, calls from Arab leaders, or chaos of war.
Some were expelled during military operations, but the blame falls on the Arab armies for starting those war. Also 20% of Israeli citizens are Arabs, so many stayed.
Greater numbers of Jews—around 850,000—were expelled or fled from Arab countries during the 1940-60s and were absorbed by Israel. The refugee crisis is mutual, yet only Palestinians remain stateless due to deliberate refusal of integration by Arab states, keeping the issue alive for political leverage.
3. Claim: “I planted pine trees to hide the memory.”
Reforestation efforts like those of the Jewish National Fund aimed to reclaim barren land, fight desertification, and restore forests.
There was never a calculated “erasure” policy —rather a consequence of war, land redistribution, and lack of resettlement.
4. Claim: “I have never chosen peace—only dominance.”
Israel has repeatedly pursued peace, often making painful concessions: #1979: Peace with Egypt, returning all of Sinai.
#1993-2000: Oslo Accords and Camp David Summit, offering the vast majority of the West Bank and Gaza.
#2005: Unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, dismantling settlements and evicting Israelis.
Each time, Israeli overtures were met with terrorism, intifadas, and rocket fire, not peace.
5. Claim: “1967 was about conquest, not security.”
The Six-Day War in 1967 was a preemptive response to Arab mobilization, blockade of Israeli shipping in the Straits of Tiran (a casus belli), and threats of annihilation from Nasser. Israel did not seek territory but was forced into war.
The existence of Israel in Judea and Samaria is indeed about security, at one section the land of Israel is only 9 miles wide if they are not present in that area.
Two violent Intifadas resulting in thousands dead, tens of thousands of rocket attacks out of Gaza and calls from Palestinian PLO and Hamas to destroy Israel for decades are indeed justification for a security presence over the land.
6. Claim: “Settlements violate international law.”
Israel disputes that settlements are illegal under international law. The Fourth Geneva Convention, often cited, was intended to prevent forcible population transfers, not voluntary civilian residence.
Furthermore, the West Bank was never a sovereign Palestinian state—its status is disputed. Jewish historical connection to the land is millennia old, including places like Hebron and Shiloh. While settlements are politically contentious, calling them unequivocally illegal is not a consensus in international law.
7. Claim: “I could have ended the occupation many times.”
Israel has offered peace deals that included a Palestinian state—2000 (Camp David), 2001 (Taba), 2008 (Olmert proposal)—each time met with Palestinian rejection, often followed by violence. The idea that Israel “always said no” reverses the historical record.
In 2005, Israel withdrew from Gaza, hoping for peace—but was met with Hamas rule and rocket fire. This experience hardened Israeli public opinion, making further withdrawals politically difficult.
8. Claim: “I glorify militarism… I erase Palestine.”
Israel’s military is a defensive necessity, not glorified conquest. Surrounded by hostile neighbors and under constant threat of terrorism, Israel has no choice but to maintain readiness. Israel’s educational system has evolved, and Arab citizens of Israel have access to their own cultural and linguistic heritage in schools.
The claim that all Israeli media justifies bombings is an oversimplification. Israel has a free press, internal criticism, and a robust civil society.
9. Claim: “I speak of democracy—but deny it to millions.”
Israel is a democracy for all its citizens, including over 2 million Arab citizens who vote, serve in parliament, and enjoy civil rights. Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza are governed by the PA and Hamas, not Israel. The occupation persists not because Israel wants it to, but because no viable peace partner has emerged. Ending the occupation without guarantees of peace—after the Gaza precedent—could expose Israelis to existential danger.
10. Claim: “I demand recognition but deny return.”
Israel seeks recognition as a Jewish state—not a theocracy, but a national homeland with equal rights for all citizens. The “right of return” is incompatible with this principle, as it would erase Israel as a Jewish-majority state. This is not about racism—it’s about national self-determination.
Just as Jews from Arab lands were absorbed in Israel, Palestinians must find realistic resettlement solutions, including in a future Palestinian state.
11. Claim: “I cry antisemitism when what I fear is accountability.”
Criticism of Israel is not antisemitism—and Israel itself is full of internal critics. But when criticism uses antisemitic tropes, double standards, denial of Jewish self-determination, or compares Israel to Nazi Germany, it crosses the line. Antisemitism is real, rising globally, and often disguised as anti-Zionism.
Accountability is fair—demonization, delegitimization, and denial of Israel’s right to exist are not.
12. Final Claim: “I will never be secure.”
Security cannot come through surrender. Peace requires mutual recognition, compromise, and leadership on both sides. Israel has shown it will trade land for peace (e.g., Egypt, Jordan), but it needs a partner committed to coexistence. Until then, Israel will defend itself—but always with the hope of true peace.
